The American way of democracy

By Ahmed Kamel

A FTER assuming office in 2001, ex-US president George W. Bush sought democratisation in the world. In a do-it- my-way policy, the democracy advocate and world saviour wanted Arab and Middle Eastern countries to adopt the American model of democ- racy. But, Arabs inspired by Frank Sinatra’s My Way hit, were on the course of reform in their very own ways. 30922

For nearly two decades, political reform in the Arab world has been a nagging question. Has it been a poor match for high- pitched rhetoric or a fundamental political progress? This has been food for thought in the West for almost a decade.

American analysts Marina Ottaway and Julia Choucair- Vizoso in their book Beyond the Façade: Political Reform in the Arab World delve into the sources of political change in ten Arab countries.

The book raises the question: Are Arab countries really transforming politically or is their reform simply cosmetic? “Are they becoming more democratic? Can they be helped, or coerced, from the outside to open up their political systems and become more democratic?” wonder the authors.

There emerges “a real conundrum” to answer these ques- tions. “What makes it difficult to assess the significance of the reforms being enacted is that democratisation is not an event but a process, usually quite lengthy,” the book says, quoting US ex-president George W. Bush saying that “reform is a genera- tional task.”

The authors admit the fact that democratisation takes shape in different ways: some more gradually, some suddenly, some as the result of deep socio-economic change, others as the result of political upheaval.

Moreover, they also explain how an economic reform does- n’t automatically lead to democratisation, and countries with an abundant state of interference with the market can be demo- cratiche

“China has introduced breathtaking economic reforms with- out moving significantly in the direction of democracy … [Meanwhile] Indonesia, in contrast, has seen some real change in the political realm in a socio-economic environment that, by frequently used standards, is extremely unfavourable.”

vd First of all, reform in the Arab world is top-down. The authours portrays reform as a means to please the outside world and nothing more. Of course the outside world here is the US.

The book claims that political reform in Egypt started in 2004, but adds “it then slipped into reverse in 2006”. Yet the book admits that “Egypt is in the throes of a leadership transi- tion that offers the possibility of greater change”.

Symptoms of Egyptian reform have taken shape when the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) set up a Policies Committee, drawing on the model of the British Labour Party. The new entity within the NDP has fashioned a pro-reform platform and injected an element of pluralism in the NDP.

In fact, this generational reform, which has started within the NDP, was transacted to other opposition parties and groups.

BEYOND the FAÇADE

LITICAL REFORM IN THE ARAB WORLD

Edited by

Marina Ottaway Julia Choucait – Vizoso

GENERATIONAL TASK: Democratisation is not an event but a process, usually quite lengthy, a new book issued in Cairo says, delving into the sources of political change in ten Arab countries.

“The Muslim Brotherhood wasn’t alone in being pushed by a younger generation to begin challenging the political order more openly. The secular opposition spectrum went through a similar process,” the authours argue, giving the example of Ayman Nour, who was ousted from the Wafd Party to set up el- Ghad (Tomorrow) Party, and Hamdeen Sabahi, who left the Nasserist Party to form el-Karama (Dignity) Party.

But in addition to leftist and liberal parties, protest move- ments and pro-reform networks emerged and moved beyond the limitations of party politics. The most organised move- ment in this concern is the Egyptian Movement for Change Kefaya (Enough), which by the end of 2005, lost its effec- tiveness after a series of protests that attracted only a few hun- dred supporters.

A large number of amendments to the Constitution and relat- ed laws regarding elections for the presidency and for Parliament were passed. But Article 77 of the Constitution, which allows the President an unlimited number of six-year terms, was left untouched.

“The irony of the situation in Egypt is that the movement that functions most effectively as an opposition party – the Muslim Brotherhood – faces a legal situation that makes it

almost impossible for it to form a party,” the authors argue.

Regarding the transition of power in the North African coun- try, the book elaborates, saying: “According to the new laws, when the next presidential election comes in 2011, the NDP must nominate a candidate who has been in the party’s senior leadership for at least a year. Such a process effectively excludes active military or security officers, who are barred from party membership, from being presidential contenders … Even if Mubarak chooses a vice president, who would have been the heir apparent before the constitutional amendment, that person cannot become the NDP candidate unless he also holds a senior party office.”

The book calls for the inclusion of Islamist movements in the political sphere through productive dialogue between Islamists and secularists. “The US and Europe can and should (make) the Egyptian Government keep open the political space needed (for this dialogue).”

But how could the US play such a role? As the old English adage says “he who pays the piper can call the tune”, the US uses its assistance in promoting their way of democracy.

“Between 2003 and 2006, the US took several steps to increase its ability to use assistance programmes as leverage for democratisation. As part of the Middle East Partnership Initiative launched in 2002, the US Department of State reviewed economic assistance to Egypt (approximately $600 million annually at that time) for effectiveness in promoting democracy,” the authours elaborate.

The book emphasises that the US would have to articulate again and again that the quality and pace of political reform in Egypt will be a key element determining how the US-Egyptian relationship – political, military, economic and trade – will develop in the future.

In other Arab countries, there is a weak link between eco- nomic and political reform. In Morocco, for instance, the monarchy’s control of economic resources makes involvement in this system a key to social mobility and security. In Yemen, the regime buttresses its patronage system by encouraging cit- izens to be financially dependant on the state whether through government employment or reliance on personal connections to the regime to prosper in business. “The Kuwaiti economy gives the state ultimate control and influence over society … In Algeria, where high oil prices and resulting buoyant revenue gave the distributive state a new lease on life,” the book says.

The very same argument applies to Syria, where while eco- nomic and administrative reforms provide more space for pri- vate sector growth, there is no indication that this has produced change in the balance of political structure. But instead, a revi- talised private sector has created new monopolies controlled by members of the governing elite ..

The book ends with a conclusion that there is evidence that the incremental reforms of the past two decades will lead to further democratic openings.

Beyond the Façade: Political Reform in the Arab World

By Marina Ottaway and Julia Choucair-Vizoso Published by the American University in Cairo Press 295 pages LE100